Caste Census and Changing Political Equations in Vidarbha

thenewsdirt
May 6
7 min read

Across the districts of Vidarbha, where agriculture dominates livelihoods and political decisions often emerge from community-based affiliations, a policy decision is beginning to take root with far-reaching implications.

The initiation of a caste census in India, following demands for updated socio-economic data, is poised to influence political negotiations, caste alliances, and electoral representation in this eastern region of the state.

Vidarbha’s diverse demographic profile, its historical socio-economic imbalances, and the numerical strength of marginalised communities place it in a unique position within the larger debate surrounding caste-based enumeration in India.

Historical Context and National Developments

Caste enumeration in India has a complex legacy. During colonial rule, British authorities systematically recorded caste data in every decennial census from 1881 until 1931.

This practice ended after independence. Since 1951, Indian censuses have limited such classification to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, excluding other caste groups.

A partial attempt to revisit this was made through the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) in 2011, but while the data on economic conditions was released, the caste details for non-SC/ST groups remained unpublished.

The demand for a caste census gained fresh momentum after Bihar released the findings of its state-level caste survey in 2023.

The Bihar data revealed that more than two-thirds of the state’s population belonged to marginalised communities. This publication renewed interest across India in replicating similar exercises, particularly in states with comparable caste compositions.

Maharashtra, responding to mounting political and social pressure, approved its own caste census. The Maharashtra State Commission for Backward Classes (MSCBC) was tasked with conducting the survey, deploying one enumerator per 100 households to complete the process within three months.

This momentum was bolstered further when the central government, reversing its earlier stance, authorised a nationwide caste census in April 2025.

It cited the need for transparent data to design more inclusive policies targeting socio-economic gaps.

The renewed push for caste-based data is closely linked to issues such as reservation in jobs, education, and local governance.

In regions like Vidarbha, where caste shapes both access to resources and voting preferences, such a census could prompt a structural realignment in political representation.

The exercise, if executed effectively, is expected to provide empirical data for evaluating caste-based inequalities and tailoring policies accordingly.

Vidarbha’s Demographics and Regional Dynamics

Vidarbha includes districts such as Nagpur, Akola, and Amravati, each marked by economic challenges and uneven access to infrastructure. Its population structure distinguishes it from the rest of Maharashtra.

While Marathas dominate political and social discourse in western Maharashtra, their numerical and political presence is relatively limited in Vidarbha. Instead, the region is home to a substantial population of Other Backward Classes (OBCs), particularly the Kunbi community.

OBCs are estimated to form around 38% of Maharashtra’s total population. However, with internal community-specific figures like that of Kunbis taken into account, the number is believed by some groups to exceed 52%. In Vidarbha and Konkan, the Kunbi community in particular commands a considerable presence.

Scheduled Castes (Dalits) make up around 12%, and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasis), found mostly in rural and forested belts, account for roughly 9%. Muslims constitute 11% and are concentrated in both urban and rural areas. Upper castes, including Brahmins, comprise around 4% of the population.

A simplified breakdown is as follows:

This demographic variation contributes to the distinct political patterns seen in Vidarbha. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections reflected this divergence.

The Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) coalition, comprising Congress, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), and Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray faction), gained a lead of 23 seats in Maharashtra.

The alliance’s gains were partly attributed to strong support from OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims in Vidarbha, where these communities saw their interests aligned more closely with the MVA’s policies.

In contrast, the Mahayuti coalition led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) underperformed in the region. The Maratha reservation movement, a major issue elsewhere in the state, had limited impact in Vidarbha due to the smaller population of the community.

OBC communities in Vidarbha have grown increasingly vocal in recent years. The Dhangar community, for instance, has consistently pushed for inclusion in the Scheduled Tribe category.

Meanwhile, Congress leader Nana Patole, himself an OBC from Vidarbha, continues to advocate for OBC representation in all major decision-making forums, reinforcing the growing influence of caste-based identities.

Electoral Impacts and Political Statements

Vidarbha Caste Breakup chart — Vidarbha Caste Breakup Chart

The caste census, if it confirms the perceived numerical dominance of OBCs in Vidarbha, may catalyse electoral and institutional shifts.

Shravan Deore of the OBC Seva Sangh has asserted that OBCs, particularly Kunbis, could account for more than half of the population.

This estimate, once supported by data, could empower these groups to demand proportionate representation in legislative assemblies, local government bodies, and educational institutions.

Statements from various political figures suggest how contentious the topic has become. Haribhau Rathod, a former Member of Parliament from Shiv Sena, supports the caste census, arguing that it will enable accurate distribution of quotas among OBC communities.

This view aligns with the recommendations of the G Rohini Commission, which has been examining sub-categorisation within the OBC category to ensure equitable representation.

Maratha political organisations, however, have expressed concern about the shifting dynamics.

Pravin Gaikwad of the Sambhaji Brigade noted that if a caste census verifies the substantial numbers of OBCs, the Maratha community’s influence could diminish in areas like Vidarbha.

The Supreme Court's rulings in recent years have also contributed to this climate. Its decision to strike down quotas for Marathas and OBCs in local body elections affected more than 57,000 seats across Maharashtra. In the absence of verified caste data, political parties find it difficult to defend or implement reservation policies without facing legal roadblocks.

National comparisons have further fuelled political expectations. Bihar’s 2023 caste survey, which quantified the representation of marginalised groups, has become a benchmark. Analysts and politicians in Maharashtra, especially those in Vidarbha, cite the Bihar precedent as evidence that data-based approaches can shift power balances and create room for more inclusive governance.

In Vidarbha, such a development could bolster OBC and Dalit-led movements that have already made electoral gains under the MVA.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), headquartered in Nagpur, initially opposed the idea. In 2023, Shridhar Gadge, RSS Sahasanghchalak for Vidarbha, called the census futile and not in the national interest. He later clarified that the RSS supports reservations and upliftment of backwards communities.

The Hindu reported that the organisation eventually endorsed the census initiative, although internal differences on the matter were evident.

Opposition leaders such as Vijay Wadettiwar have urged that the census be conducted on a time-bound basis to avoid indefinite delays in implementing revised policies.

Within the Congress party, allegations have emerged that the BJP and RSS have historically resisted calls for greater backward class representation. These debates have added to the political significance of the census, turning it into an issue that cuts across traditional party lines.

Policy Relevance and Data Concerns

A 2012 study by Sonalde Desai and Amaresh Dubey highlighted enduring gaps in educational attainment and income levels across caste lines.

According to their findings, forward caste men aged 25 to 49 averaged 8.18 years of education and an annual income of ₹22,057. Dalits averaged 5.23 years of education and ₹19,820, while Adivasis recorded 4.39 years of education and ₹18,464. These disparities underline the necessity of updated and disaggregated data to tailor welfare schemes.

Such national trends are reflected in Vidarbha, where agriculture remains the primary occupation, and marginalised communities frequently lack access to healthcare, education, and employment. Local variations further complicate the picture.

In some villages, the differences between OBC sub-groups or between SC and ST populations influence everything from ration card eligibility to school admissions. A caste census promises to offer granular data necessary to make targeted interventions.

However, doubts remain regarding the reliability of data collection. There is concern that misreporting or incorrect classification could compromise the results.

One common issue cited is the categorisation of Mahadeo Kolis as Kunbis or Dhangars being recorded as Sagar Rajputs.

These discrepancies could arise from self-reporting errors, local administrative practices, or deliberate attempts to game the system.

The BJP leadership, including Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, has responded by calling for a transparent and foolproof enumeration process. He has cited the Bihar survey’s inconsistencies as examples of what Maharashtra should avoid.

Fadnavis’ remarks have positioned the state government as supportive of the census but insistent on procedural rigour.

Critics from within the BJP and allied organisations argue that too strong a focus on caste could fragment society.

These views often compete with the ground realities in regions like Vidarbha, where social identity remains a key determinant of opportunity.

Political alliances are increasingly being reshaped by caste-based constituencies, and data from the census could formalise this trend.

Anticipating Shifts Across Vidarbha

As preparations for the caste census move forward, Vidarbha’s districts are undergoing a process of anticipation and political recalibration.

In Nagpur’s urban constituencies and Akola’s rural belts alike, leaders are watching closely to see how numbers could shift narratives.

Vidarbha's past is defined by a combination of agrarian distress, infrastructure gaps, and caste-based marginalisation. The new data may amplify these patterns or challenge existing power structures.

There is a growing understanding across party lines that a completed census will not only influence political campaigns but also become central to future debates on state funding, regional development, and social justice.

The data may open space for coalitions that prioritise community-specific demands, especially those of OBCs, Dalits, and Adivasis.

Whether the caste census will bring resolution or confrontation remains uncertain. What is evident, however, is that Vidarbha stands on the edge of a transformation.

With political stakes high and public interest growing, the outcomes of this exercise will likely shape the region’s electoral and governance frameworks in the coming years.