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Vidarbha in Ain-i-Akbari: Secrets of Berar’s Mughal Era Unveiled

Vidarbha in Ain-i-Akbari: Secrets of Berar’s Mughal Era Unveiled
Vidarbha in Ain-i-Akbari: Secrets of Berar’s Mughal Era Unveiled

The Ain-i-Akbari, a 16th-century administrative manual compiled by Abu'l Fazl, provides one of the most comprehensive historical records of the region known today as Vidarbha. This document, completed in 1598 as the third volume of the larger Akbarnama, offers detailed insights into the administrative organisation, geographical boundaries, revenue structures, and political arrangements of what was then called the Berar Subah under Mughal Emperor Akbar's rule.


The text represents a crucial source for understanding how Vidarbha transitioned from independent sultanate governance to becoming an integral part of the Mughal Empire in the late 16th century.


Abu'l Fazl, serving as Akbar's court historian and vizier, documented the region shortly after its annexation by the Mughal Empire. The account of Berar was added to the Ain-i-Akbari specifically in 1596-97, immediately following the treaty of Ahmadnagar under which the province was ceded to the emperor. The timing of this documentation makes it particularly valuable, as it captures the administrative state of Vidarbha at a moment of major political transition.


The region had been ceded to Emperor Akbar by Chand Bibi in 1596, corresponding to the Islamic year 1004 Hijri, marking the formal beginning of Mughal administration in what had previously been part of the Nizam Shahi sultanate of Ahmadnagar.


Etymology and Geographic Identity in the Ain-i-Akbari


The Ain-i-Akbari documents the etymology of the region's name with considerable attention to linguistic detail.


According to the text, the original name of Berar was Waradatat, which translates to mean the banks of the Varada River.

In another section of the same work, the region is referred to as Durdatala, which Abu'l Fazl indicates derives from the ancient name Waradatata. This linguistic variation appears to have resulted from scribal errors in Persian transcription.


As noted in the text, when writing the name Warda in Persian script, the letter waw might have been mistakenly written for dal, or a similar error might have been committed by later translators reading the original manuscript.


The connection between the names Berar, Varhad, and the ancient Vidarbha mentioned in the Mahabharata has been a subject of historical discussion. The Ain-i-Akbari itself does not explicitly make this connection, but later scholars have suggested that Berar may possibly be a corruption of Vidarbha, the name of the large kingdom in the Deccan that features prominently in epic literature.


The modern regional name Varhad, still used to refer to parts of this area, maintains this linguistic continuity.


The text demonstrates how the Mughal administration adapted local names while keeping detailed records of their origins and variations.


Administrative Organisation and Division


The administrative structure of Berar, as documented in the Ain-i-Akbari, reflects the systematic approach to governance that characterised Akbar's reign.


The province was designated as a full subah, one of the major provincial divisions of the Mughal Empire. Ellichpur, known today as Achalpur, served as the capital of the Berar Subah.

The choice of Ellichpur as the administrative centre was built upon its previous importance under the Imad Shahi dynasty, which had ruled Berar as an independent sultanate before its absorption into the Ahmadnagar territories and subsequently into the Mughal Empire.


The Ain-i-Akbari records that the Berar Subah was divided into 13 sarkars, which were district-level administrative units. These sarkars were further subdivided into a total of 242 parganas, the smallest administrative units responsible for revenue collection and local governance.


This hierarchical structure allowed the Mughal administration to maintain detailed control over revenue assessment and collection across the vast territory. The application of this systematic division marked a significant change from the previous administrative arrangements under the independent sultanates.


The 13 sarkars of Berar, as enumerated in the Ain-i-Akbari, were Gavil, Khedala, Pavanar, Narnala, Kalamb, Washim, Mahur, Manikdurg, Pathri, Telangana, Ramgad, Mehkar, and Baitulawadi.


The text provides specific details about the number of parganas in each sarkar. Gavil, which included the capital Ellichpur, was the largest sarkar with 46 parganas. Khedala contained 35 parganas, while Narnala had 34, and Kalamb comprised 31 parganas.


Mahur included 20 parganas, and Pathri had 18. The Telangana sarkar, situated in the southern portions of the province, contained 19 parganas. The smaller sarkars included Washim with 8 parganas, Manikdurg with 8, Baitulawadi with 9, Pavanar with 5, Ramgad with 5, and Mehkar with just 4 parganas.


The Ain-i-Akbari provides precise geographical information about the extent and boundaries of the Berar Subah. According to the text, the area of the province during Akbar's reign was approximately 72,000 square miles, making it one of the more substantial territorial divisions of the Mughal Empire.


This vast area encompassed diverse geographical zones, from hilly tracts to fertile river valleys. The boundaries were carefully delineated in the four cardinal directions to establish clear administrative jurisdiction.


The northern limit of Berar was marked at Handia, establishing a boundary with the territories further north. To the east, the province extended to the fort of Vairagad, located near the region of Bastar. This eastern frontier represented the transition zone between the Mughal-controlled territories and the areas inhabited by Gond chiefs and other tribal groups.


The southern limit of Berar was defined as Telangana, marking the boundary with the Telugu-speaking regions of the Deccan. To the west, the province's extent reached Mahkarabad, where it bordered other Mughal administrative divisions.


The Ain-i-Akbari also documents the internal geographical divisions of the province based on topography.


The area to the south of the Satpura mountain range was specifically designated as Payanghat, a term that referred to the valley region. This central valley formed the agricultural heartland of Berar.


The area near Mehkar and Washim was known as Balaghat, referring to the upland or elevated terrain. These geographical distinctions were important for administrative purposes, as they affected agricultural productivity, revenue assessment, and military strategy.


Strategic Fortifications


The Ain-i-Akbari identifies six major forts that served as the principal strongholds of the Berar Subah. These fortifications were critical to maintaining Mughal control over the province and defending against potential threats from neighbouring territories.


The forts mentioned in the text are Gavilgad, Narnala, Pavanar, Khedala, Manikdurg, and Mahur. Each of these fortresses had played important roles in the military history of the region prior to Mughal annexation, and they continued to serve as key defensive positions under the new administration.

Gavilgad and Narnala were particularly significant fortifications. Historical records beyond the Ain-i-Akbari indicate that these forts had been fortified and developed during the period of the Imad Shahi dynasty. A saying recorded in the region stated that one who possesses Gavilgad commands Varhad, reflecting the strategic importance of this fortress.


These forts were not merely military installations but also served as administrative centres for their surrounding areas, housing garrison commanders and revenue officials. The preservation and maintenance of these fortifications represented a substantial investment by the Mughal administration in securing its hold over Vidarbha.


The Ain-i-Akbari provides detailed statistical information about the revenue collected from the Berar Subah. According to the text, the revenue amounted to 3.5 crore takkas, which was equivalent to 56 crore dams in the standard currency units of the period.


An alternative figure given in some versions of the text states the revenue as 64,26,03,270 dams of Delhi. These variations likely reflect different accounting methods or updates made at different times. The major portion of this revenue came from land taxes assessed on agricultural production, which formed the backbone of the Mughal economic system.


The currency system in use in Berar at the time of the Ain-i-Akbari included the Tanka-i-Barari as the local currency unit, along with the dam and the rupia. The text specifies that one Tanka-i-Barari was initially equivalent to 16 dams of Delhi, though this rate was later adjusted to 24 dams or 8 tankas of Delhi.


These conversion rates were essential for standardising revenue collection across the diverse regions of the empire, each of which might have different local currency traditions. The documentation of these monetary equivalences demonstrates the sophisticated financial administration that characterised Akbar's reign.


The revenue system applied to Berar was the famous bandobast system developed by Raja Todar Mal, Akbar's finance minister.


This system involved careful measurement of agricultural land using standardised units, classification of land according to fertility and productivity, and assessment of revenue based on average crop yields calculated over a period of years.

The Ain-i-Akbari notes that Todar Mal's system was made applicable to the Berar Subah following its incorporation into the Mughal Empire. This represented a major shift from the revenue practices that had prevailed under the previous sultanate administrations.


Agricultural Production and Land Classification


The Ain-i-Akbari characterises the agricultural cultivation of Berar as remarkably good, indicating that the region was economically productive and well-suited to farming.


The text documents the application of the standardised land classification system that was used throughout the Mughal Empire. Land was categorised into four main types based on cultivation patterns. Polaj referred to land that was continuously cultivated and never left fallow, representing the most productive agricultural areas.


Parauti designated land that was left fallow for one or two years to recover fertility. Chachar described land that had been fallow for three or four years. Banjar was the classification for land that had remained uncultivated for five or more years or was considered barren.


This classification system was fundamental to the revenue assessment process. Different categories of land were assigned different revenue rates based on their productive capacity.


The Ain-i-Akbari indicates that detailed schedules of revenue rates were prepared for different crops grown in each season.


The text references the cultivation of both rabi crops, which were sown in winter and harvested in spring, and kharif crops, which were sown with the onset of monsoon rains and harvested in autumn.


While the Ain-i-Akbari does not provide an exhaustive list of all crops grown specifically in Berar, references in other sections of the work to agricultural production in the Deccan regions suggest that the province produced both food grains and commercial crops.


Tribal Chiefs and Local Power Structures


The Ain-i-Akbari documents the existence of local power structures that the Mughal administration incorporated into its governance system.


Notably, the text records that when the list of territories of Akbar was compiled, a Gond prince named Babji was ruling at Candrapur, known today as Chandrapur.

This documentation is significant as it shows that the Mughal administration recognised and recorded the authority of tribal chiefs in certain areas of Vidarbha, particularly in the eastern and southern portions of the region where Gond kingdoms had established themselves.


Babji Ballal Sah, as he is more fully named in the records, became a feudatory to Akbar. This meant that while he retained local authority and continued to govern his territory, he acknowledged Mughal supremacy and paid tribute to the emperor.


After the conquest of Berar by the Mughals, they included Manikgad, which was one of the strongholds of the Gond chiefs, within the administrative framework of the Berar Subah. Manikgad was located to the south of Candrapur, and the inclusion of such territories demonstrates how the Mughal administration extended its reach into areas that had previously operated with considerable autonomy.


The relationship between the Mughal central administration and local chiefs like Babji represented a pragmatic approach to governance in frontier regions.


Rather than attempting to completely displace local power structures, the Mughals incorporated them into the imperial system through feudatory arrangements.

This allowed the empire to extend its authority while minimising resistance and administrative costs.


The Ain-i-Akbari's documentation of these arrangements provides insight into how the Mughal Empire managed the complex ethnic and political landscape of Vidarbha.


Historical Context and Political Transitions


The inclusion of Berar in the Ain-i-Akbari reflects a period of significant political transformation in Vidarbha.


Prior to Mughal annexation in 1596, the region had experienced several changes in political control.

The area had been part of the Bahmani Sultanate from 1347, when the Deccan came under the control of this Muslim dynasty. Following the disintegration of the Bahmani Sultanate in the late 15th century, Berar emerged as one of the independent successor states under the Imad Shahi dynasty, founded by Fathullah Imad-ul-Mulk in 1490.


The Imad Shahi rulers governed Berar until 1574, when the kingdom was conquered and annexed by the Nizam Shahi sultanate of Ahmadnagar.


This absorption of Berar by Ahmadnagar was relatively short-lived, lasting only about two decades before the Mughal intervention. The treaty of 1596 that brought Berar under Mughal control was negotiated with Chand Bibi, who was serving as regent of Ahmadnagar.


The cession of Berar was part of a larger conflict between the expanding Mughal Empire and the Deccan sultanates, which would continue for decades after the events documented in the Ain-i-Akbari.


The timing of the Ain-i-Akbari's compilation means that it captures Berar at the very beginning of Mughal rule. The detailed administrative information provided in the text was gathered as part of the process of integrating the newly acquired province into the imperial system.


The application of Todar Mal's revenue system, the enumeration of sarkars and parganas, the assessment of agricultural productivity, and the recording of local power structures all reflect the systematic approach that characterised Mughal administration.


This documentation served practical administrative purposes while also creating a permanent historical record of the region's state in the late 16th century.


The Ain-i-Akbari represents an invaluable source for understanding the history of Vidarbha during a crucial period of transition. The level of detail provided about administrative divisions, geographical boundaries, revenue figures, and local governance structures is unmatched by other sources from this period.


The text provides quantitative data that allows historians to analyse the economic importance of the region within the broader Mughal Empire. The enumeration of 242 parganas across 13 sarkars, the specification of revenue figures in multiple currency units, and the identification of major fortifications all contribute to a comprehensive picture of the province.


The systematic nature of the information in the Ain-i-Akbari also allows for comparative analysis. By examining the data for Berar alongside the information provided for other subahs of the Mughal Empire, historians can assess the relative size, economic productivity, and administrative complexity of different regions.


The fact that Berar is specifically mentioned with its own detailed section in the Ain-i-Akbari indicates its importance to the Mughal administration. The revenue figures suggest that the province was economically significant, contributing substantially to the imperial treasury.


The Ain-i-Akbari's documentation of Vidarbha has influenced subsequent historical understanding of the region. Later gazetteers and administrative compilations from the 18th and 19th centuries frequently reference the Ain-i-Akbari as a baseline for understanding the historical administrative divisions of the area.


The sarkar and pargana names recorded in the text have helped historians trace the continuity and changes in local administration over subsequent centuries. The geographical descriptions have aided in identifying historical sites and understanding settlement patterns. The revenue data has provided a foundation for analysing economic changes over time.


The text also reveals the methods and priorities of Mughal administration. The emphasis on precise measurement, standardised classification, and detailed record-keeping reflects the bureaucratic sophistication of Akbar's government.


The inclusion of information about local chiefs and power structures demonstrates an awareness of political realities on the ground.

The attention to geographical features, fortifications, and boundaries shows the strategic thinking that informed imperial governance. These aspects of the Ain-i-Akbari make it not just a source for facts about Vidarbha, but also a window into the administrative culture and practices of the Mughal Empire at its height.


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